@article{oai:rekihaku.repo.nii.ac.jp:00001080,
 author = {東條, 寛 and Tojo, Hiroshi},
 journal = {国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告, Bulletin of the National Museum of Japanese History},
 month = {Mar},
 note = {application/pdf, 滋賀県野洲郡野洲町三上に所在する御上神社の「ずいき祭り」は、肥後和男氏の「近江における宮座の研究」以来、典型的な宮座の事例として理解されることが多かった。これは「ずいき祭り」が、「長之屋」・「東座」・「西座」という三つの宮座によって行われ、なお、それぞれの宮座に「公文」と称する代表者が存在し、その構成は三上内の五つの集落（東林寺・山出・前田・大中小路・小中小路）と明確な関係を持たない横断的なものとなっているからであろう。しかし、御上神社には、この「ずいき祭り」と並んで重要な祭りとして「春祭り」がある。現在では大きく姿を変えているものの、「春祭り」は宮座が全く登場しない。「春祭り」は神主・巫女・社家・侍分・雄物等の家単位で特定の祭祀上の職掌を持ったものと、三上内の五つの集落を順にまわす「渡し番」の制度によって近世を通じて行われてきたものである。先の「ずいき祭り」の宮座も中世後期来の史料を有することから、御上神社では少なくとも近世を通じてこのような二重の祭祀組織が併存したことになる。本稿ではそれらの祭祀組織の併存を次のように解釈した。
すなわち、「ずいき祭り」は御上神社の若宮社の「神事」（ジンジ）であり、中世後期に古代以来の権威を主張する神主家と社家層と経済的に上昇してきつつあった名主層の対立を、それぞれが隷属する者を取り込んだ形で座を作りながら、同じように頭人役を負担することによって祭祀の場における一種の平等性を持たせて緩和するいう意義を持っていた。一方の春祭りは、司祭者的役割を特定の家の職掌とししつつも、「渡し番」の制度によって集落単位でも渡御列における一部の役を務めるという二重の構造を有しており、御上神社という五つの集落の共通の氏神の祭礼として行われてきた。そして、このような二つの祭りの中心的な役割を果たしたのは、中世来の神主家や社家であり、一方で地主神である若宮神社の祭祀（ずいき祭り）を宮座の祭祀として、一方の春祭りは家筋によって固定される一定の役以外を各集落単位で輪番に務めるという、極めて巧妙な体制をとることによって主導してきた。このことは、ずいき祭りはもともと「神事」（ジンジ）であり、一方の春祭りは氏神の祭礼である「例祭」であるということに象徴的に表されている。, Since the publication of Omi ni okeru Miyaza no Kenkyu (“Study of the Miyaza in the Omi Region”) by Kazuo Higo, the Zuiki Matsuri festival at the Mikami-jinja shrine has often been seen as a typical example of a miyaza (council of elders who represented families who claimed association with a local shrine and who annually elected a shrine official to run festivals). This is likely attributable to the fact that the Zuiki Matsuri was run by three miyaza: Chonoya, Higashi-za, and Nishi-za, and that each of these miyaza had a representative called kumon. However, the Mikami-jinja shrine has another festival called the Haru Matsuri, which has been just as important as the Zuiki Matsuri but has been managed without the involvement of any miyaza whatsoever. The Haru Ma-tsuri was organized by a combination of the family of the guardian of the shrine or the families of the Shinto priests who had specific duties at the festival and a system of watashi-ban, in which five communities took turns handling the festival. These two festival organizations coexisted throughout the early modern period.
In this paper, I interpret the meaning of this coexistence as follows. The Zuiki Matsuri was a shrine ritual for the Wakamiya-sha in the Mikami-jinja shrine, where the shrine guardian family and the class of Shinto priest families, which had both been claiming authority since ancient times, and the class of village headmen, which was emerging economically and socially, formed a miyaza in a way that incorporated all of their subordinates and gave them an equal presence in the festival by managing similar shrine-related affairs.
The Haru Matsuri, in contrast, was meaningful as a festival for a tutelary deity that was shared among five communities at the Mikami-jinja shrine, and was organized such that while the role of celebrant was assigned to specific families, each community assumed some of the roles in the togyo-retsu (formal parade) under a watashi-ban system and each community's responsibilities for the festival were equalized.
In both festivals, the family of the guardian of shrine or the families of the Shinto priests played major roles and maintained leadership of the festivals by devising extremely intricate systems, but otherwise the Zuiki Matsuri, which was a festival for Wakamiya-sha, a local deity, was run by the miyaza system, and, the Haru Matsuri used a rotation system in which the communities took turns performing roles other than the specific roles assigned to the particular family lineages.},
 pages = {173--219},
 title = {神事と祭礼 : 御上神社の宮座と祭礼},
 volume = {98},
 year = {2003},
 yomi = {トウジョウ, ヒロシ}
}