@article{oai:rekihaku.repo.nii.ac.jp:00002002,
 author = {古家, 晴美 and Huruie, Harumi},
 journal = {国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告, Bulletin of the National Museum of Japanese History},
 month = {Dec},
 note = {application/pdf, 本稿では，高度経済成長期の農村における食生活の変化を追いつつ，食べものを「作る」と対極にある「ビシャル（捨てる）」という視点から，人々の意識の問題を取り上げる。統計資料からは読み取りにくい人々の微妙な心境の変化を聞き取り調査により抽出した。
この時期，所得の向上や移動販売車の登場，生活改善運動など，食生活に新たな要素が持ち込まれたものの，Ｎ集落では食材の９割がセンザイバタケ（家庭菜園）で賄われ，自給生活がいまだ維持されていると思われた。ところが，上水道敷設やバキュームカーが登場し，「貴重な肥料」だった屎尿や生活排水は「厄介な廃棄物」となり，農と食を結ぶ循環システムが大きく変わり始めていた。
「捨てる」と言う行為が実体化する一方，その方法（捨て方）は，より複雑な意識を反映するものとなった。現在，「食べられるもの」の廃棄は，白昼堂々とまかり通っている。しかし，昭和40年代の「捨てる」は，「後ろめたさ」と共にあり，常に控えめであった。話者の一人は畑に生活排水を「捨てる」という表現を慎重に避け，「畑に返す」と表現している。また，学校給食で不人気の脱脂粉乳や，家庭で調理に手間がかかるまだ小さなゴボウ間引いたものも，常に「こっそりと」捨てられていた。
これに対し，食べものが世の中に溢れ始めたこの時期に，「食べものをつくるための〈手間〉」「食べものを捨てないための〈知恵〉」に対する記憶やイマジネーションの退化，あるいは住宅設備の不足による手間や知恵の具体化・実現の回避が，都市へ他出した家族から広がっている。故郷から送られてきた「食べきれないもの」を保存・加工するよりも「捨てる」ことによりリセットせざるを得ない状況が発生した。高度経済成長期のＮ集落における食生活の特徴を１つ挙げるとしたら，「ビシャル（捨てる）」ことに真正面から向き合い，それが「後ろめたさ」と言うナイーブな感性を伴っていた点だと言えよう。, The present paper uses a case study of interviews in a rural village in Nagano prefecture to focus on ways in which values regarding throwing things away (referred to in the local dialect as “hisharu”) changed during a period of rapid economic growth, even beginning to affect eating habits. At that time, 90% of food needs were met by the use of garden plots (kitchen gardens), with a self-sufficient lifestyle still maintained. However, the self-sufficiency system began to crumble, with “edible food” being thrown away at home and from school lunches, and with the demise of the use of “valuable” fertilizer which had been brought to the field by the villagers for food production. Waste water and sewage from household kitchens, bathrooms and toilets, came to be collected by hygiene trucks (vacuum cars), and became “annoying” waste disposed of in the corner of a field.
While the act of “throwing away” became a reality, the method (the way of throwing away) reflected a more complex consciousness. At present, the disposal of “edible food” in homes, snacks or eating out is “unashamedly” pushed through using the rationale of use-by dates. “Disposal” is even a legally regulated duty. In the 1960s to mid-1970s, however, “throwing away” was equated with “guilty conscience”, and was always minimized. One informant carefully avoided the expression “throwing away” waste water on the fields, using the expression “returning to the field” instead. Similarly, skimmed milk, which was unpopular in school lunches, and burdock, which is time-consuming to prepare at home, were always thrown away “in secret” when no-one was looking.
On the other hand, during this period in which food began to be much more abundant, there was an atrophying of memory and imagination in respect to the “wisdom not to throw away food” and “effort required to make food”, which spread from family members who had moved to the city. Rather than preserving or processing food that had been sent from rural hometowns and was “too much to eat up”, there was growing support for the “rationality” of “throwing away” as a means of resetting the balance. It can be assumed that the existence or non-existence of actual contact with the earth in everyday life played a major role in the gap between concepts of “throwing away” in the village and the city during the period of rapid economic growth.},
 pages = {359--383},
 title = {ある農村における高度経済成長期の食生活 : 「ビシャル(捨てる)」ことと向き合った時代},
 volume = {171},
 year = {2011},
 yomi = {フルイエ, ハルミ}
}