@article{oai:rekihaku.repo.nii.ac.jp:00000571,
 author = {大藤, 修 and Ôtô, Osamu},
 journal = {国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告, Bulletin of the National Museum of Japanese History},
 month = {Mar},
 note = {application/pdf, 本稿は、近世農民層の葬送・法事および先祖祭祀のあり方と、その際の家、同族、親族、地域住民の関与の仕方と役割、それをめぐる諸観念、規範などについての考究を課題とする。同族結合が強い段階では死者の葬送・供養や先祖祭祀も同族の長を中心に同族団の儀礼として執行されていたようであるが、個々の家が自立性を強めるに伴い、家がその執行主体となり、独自に墓碑、位牌、過去帳などを作るようになる。生前の生活および死後の魂の安穏が家によって基本的に保障されるようになった段階では、家を保ち先祖の祭祀を絶やさないことが絶対的な規範として子孫に要請される。だが、家での生活が親類や地域共同体の相互扶助によって成り立っていたのと同様、死者の葬送、霊魂の供養も、親類や地域共同体がその保障を補完する機能を果たしていた。葬式・法事の営み方に当主の直系尊属、配偶者か直系卑属、傍系親かによって格差をつけていた例もみられる。休業・服忌の期間は、父母の死去の場合とりわけ長く設定している所が多い。他家に養子あるいは嫁として入った者も、葬儀はもちろん年忌法要にも参加し、弔い上げによって祖霊＝神に昇華するまでは親の霊の面倒をみるのが子としての務めであった。弔い上げ後は家の継承者によってその家の先祖として代々祭祀されていく。直系家族制のもとにおいては歴代の家長夫婦がその家の正規の先祖であり、単身のまま生家で死去すれば無縁仏として扱われる。生前は家長・主婦として家を支え、死後はその家の先祖として子孫に祭られるというのが現世と来世を通じた正規の人生コースとされており、再婚の多さは正規の人生コースに復させる意味ももっていたと思われる。家の成員の霊魂の間には家の構造に規定された差別の体系が形づくられていたが、と同時に、家を基盤に広く成立、成熟した先祖観は社会的にも差別を生み出す契機をはらみ、その一方で天皇へ結びつく性格も有した。, This paper aims to examine the form taken by funerals, memorial services and ancestor worship in the modern farming classes; the method of participation and role played by “ie” (families), family groups, relatives, and community members; and various concepts and rules concerning these rituals. At the stage where family groups are closely tied, funerals, memorial services and ancestor worship seem to have been practiced as rituals of the family group, centering around the head of the family group. However, as individual families became more independent, each family tended to take the leading part in the practice of these rituals, and to set up their own tombstones, memorial tablets (‘ihai’) and death registration roll. At the stage where life in this world and the peace of one's spirit in the next were guaranteed basically by the “ie”, the maintenance of the “ie” and eternal continuation of ancestor worship became an absolute requirement for the descendants. Just as their life at home was supported by the mutual assistance of relatives and the local community, funerals and memorial services for the spirits were complemented by relatives and the community. Cases can be found where funerals and memorial services were differentiated according to the status of the deceased, that is, depending on whether he or she was a lineal ascendant, spouse, lineal descendant or collateral relative of the family chief. In many places, the period of mourning for parents, when business would be suspended, was set much longer than in other cases. Those who entered other families through adoption or marriage participated not only at funerals, but also at the anniversary services. It was the duty of children to take care of their parents' spirits until the spirits came to be regarded as ancestors, or gods, after the completion of individual memorial services. Thereafter, their spirits continued to be worshiped as family ancestors by the successors to the “ie”. Under the direct-line family system, the successive heads of the family and their wives were considered the authentic ancestors of the “ie”. If a person died unmarried at his natal home, he was treated as an untended spirit. To support the “ie” as the master or mistress of the house while alive, and after death, to be worshiped as an ancestor of the “ie” by one's descendants was considered the regular course for one's life to take. The high ratio of remarriage seems to have meant a return to such a regular course of life. A system of differentiation ordained by the family structure was formed among the spirits of the family members, and at the same time, the concept of ancestry, which was extensively established and matured on the basis of the “ie”, provided an opportunity to generate social discrimination. On the other hand, it also provided a link with the Emperor.},
 pages = {67--132},
 title = {近世農民層の葬祭・先祖祭祀と家・親族・村落（Ⅱ. 祖先祭祀の史的展開）},
 volume = {41},
 year = {1992},
 yomi = {オオトウ, オサム}
}